Governing Inclusion Through Quotas

By Peter Jacob  |  Director, Centre for Social Justice


Over the decades, Pakistan has expanded job quotas for women, minorities, and persons with disabilities, yet persistent under-implementation points to deeper governance gaps in institutional responsibility, redress, assessment, and oversight.

Over the decades, Pakistan has experimented with nearly all imaginable public policy approaches, with varying degrees of success and failure. These have ranged from realist and somewhat participatory approaches, such as the Peoples’ Works Programme of the 1970s and 1990s, and the devolution of power of 2000-2001; visionary and idealist approaches such as CPEC; camouflaged elitist approaches such as the nationalization of education and industries in 1972; and partnership models such as public-private partnership approaches towards education.

Among delivery mechanisms, we have institutions like the National Database and Registration Authority (NADRA) and the National Commission for Human Rights that are built on sound legal foundations and have earned recognition for their performance both locally and internationally.

Pakistan’s experience with different governance approaches shows that even failed schemes, projects, and programmes, such as mass literacy and immunization, carry important lessons. Some of the initiatives were abandoned prematurely and therefore cannot be commented upon. However, such practices need to be evaluated alongside projects that have not done well historically, such as the fundraising for the Diamer-Bhasha Dam, which faced challenges because the initiative lacked participatory decision-making.

This proposal builds on the constitutional framework and existing government policy on job quotas—a policy that requires a critical overhaul for effective delivery.

Article 25(3) of the Constitution of Pakistan empowers the government to take special measures for the welfare of women and children. This exception is reiterated in Article 34 and 37(e). In the same vein, Article 36 mandates affirmative measures for religious minorities regarding employment. Furthermore, Article 37(a) provides an overarching mandate to the government to promote, with special care, the educational and economic interests of backward classes or areas.

Over the decades, the federal and provincial governments have introduced and even increased job quotas gradually, which stand at 15 percent for women, 5 percent for religious minorities, and 2-3 percent for persons with disability. In addition, Punjab has reserved a 2 percent quota for minority students for higher education. However, the job quotas remain under-implemented for women1, religious minorities2, and persons with disabilities.3

At the policy level, the gap is attributable to a weak legal basis, because these policies were introduced through executive powers rather than comprehensive legislation. Therefore, there are several gaps in institutional responsibility, redress, assessment, and oversight.

The job quota policy remains orphaned as no institution was assigned the responsibility to enable implementation, monitoring, and reporting. The government employment bodies also lacked aptitude and awareness for affirmative action in hiring processes. A few aggrieved who tried legal recourse had to wait years, and usually failed to obtain redress due to a lack of proper law. The Punjab Empowerment of Persons with Disability Act 2022 provides a grievance redressal mechanism which exemplifies a pressing need in favour of the proposal being made here.  

This situation calls for enabling legislation to create a quasi-judicial federal commission to oversee implementation of federal and provincial job quota policies and ensure effective redress. To introduce a proper mechanism for operationalizing this policy, while an umbrella body at the federal level is welcome, we also need an empowered body at the provincial level with decentralized functions. It should proactively monitor, encourage, and assess the implementation of all job quota policies annually, in the same manner the Punjab Commission on the Status of Women prepared the Gender Parity report. The law should build synergies by creating important institutional and framework intersections, to reduce dependency on rules of procedure, for instance.

The mandate of this body should be defined by the equalization of opportunities for marginalized groups, including both those currently recognized and those that may be recognized in the future. In line with international practice, it may be named the Equal Opportunity Commission of Pakistan (EOCP).

The body should provide redressal on complaints of non-implementation, in order to improve access to job opportunities at all levels. The proposed EOCP should be set up for at least 20 years with the target of identifying and removing existing challenges within this timeframe, or of substantially addressing the marginalization of target groups.

There is a misconception that Pakistan is an over-legislated country. This notion is not supported by any studies or scientific analysis. The only over-legislation that exists is the deadwood of outdated, controversial legislation that should be repealed through participatory processes at democratic forums.      

Group photo at an event; person in wheelchair front, others with orange balloons, blue banner.
©UNDP Pakistan
The structural inclusion of marginalized sections in decision-making forums and processes has seminal importance for the inclusion and equalization of rights and opportunities.

From time to time, different governance approaches in Pakistan have caused policy changes that can provide insightful lessons. For instance, dedicated federal ministries were established for women in the 1990s, and for minorities in 2009-2011. These functions were devolved to the provinces under the 18th amendment in 2010. While there are costs and benefits attached to both approaches, the structural inclusion of marginalized sections in decision-making forums and processes has seminal importance for the inclusion and equalization of rights and opportunities. As such, shifts between governance models warrant careful examination of their implications for service delivery, effectiveness, and the sustained mainstreaming of target groups.

Women and minorities together make up over 55 percent of Pakistan’s population. Therefore, to cater to their employment needs, a new institution will not be an overlap but a necessary bridge to connect people in need with existing opportunities. The new body will not be economically taxing, but a seed investment in the success of government policies, and will indeed reduce legal and administrative costs caused by non-implementation. The economic value of enabling the structural inclusion of marginalized sections will strengthen the Gross Domestic Product of Pakistan while simultaneously reducing poverty and the dependence of target groups on charitable schemes. At its core, this proposal will turn policy intent into institutional practice, and deliver inclusion at scale for all Pakistanis.

1.    The Express Tribune, ‘Female participation in govt jobs remains low’, The Express Tribune, Karachi, 2025. Available at: https://tribune.com.pk/story/2587827/female-participation-in-govt-jobs-remains-low
2.    National Commission for Human Rights, Unequal Citizens: Ending Systemic Discrimination Against Minorities, National Commission for Human Rights, Islamabad, 2022. Available at: https://www.nchr.gov.pk/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/Minority-Report.pdf
3.    Dawn, ‘Job quotas for women, minorities remain largely unimplemented’, Dawn, Karachi, 2025. Available at: https://www.dawn.com/news/1915879